Showing posts with label White House. Show all posts
Showing posts with label White House. Show all posts
Sunday, December 6, 2015
A Rare Event
Tonight at 7 (Central) we will witness something that has been a rare event in this presidency — an address to the nation from the Oval Office.
People can — and do — call Barack Obama many things, but one thing no one could call him is camera shy. He seldom hesitates to say what is on his mind (which is the very definition of loose cannon, is it not? But I digress ...) yet, in fact, this will be only the third time in nearly seven full years as president that he has spoken to the American people from the Oval Office.
It took an oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico to prompt the first one. The second was a victory lap after the short–lived departure of troops from Iraq — and now it is (presumably) to clarify his position on ISIS, a fully functioning and extremely threatening terrorist group that Obama has famously dismissed as "the jayvee team" and, more recently, as being "contained."
Both assessments have been demonstrably false.
Presidential addresses from the Oval Office were commonplace for every president I can remember prior to Obama — and I'm not speaking of the weekly five–minute radio addresses that are usually delivered from the Oval Office. An Oval Office speech was usually (but not always) a good indication that the subject was an important one and every American needed to hear what the president had to say about it. That wasn't always true, of course. Presidents from both parties misused the bully pulpit, and because the forum has been abused in the past, I can appreciate the notion that an Oval Office address should be reserved for truly significant moments and issues.
I really don't know if that is how Obama feels about it, but, whether it is or is not, the fact remains that, under Obama, the pendulum has swung much too far in the other direction. The American people have been left in the dark on too many important issues for too long. They are entitled to better than that from their leaders.
Obama's speech, of course, comes days after the horrific attack in San Bernardino, Calif., that killed 14. In the hours after that attack, Obama hemmed and hawed when asked whether it was terrorism even though his own FBI, which has followed the president's lead on terrorism in the past and hesitated to label such acts, was calling it terrorism within hours.
Breitbart.com says, "This is the first sign that the Obama White House is preparing to address the threat of terrorism seriously after appearing reluctant to define the attack in California as terrorism."
That's pretty generous. And, you must admit, it is remarkably fair, a virtual acceptance that White House spokesman Josh Earnest was correct when he said that, in addition to speaking about the shooting itself, "[t]he president will also discuss the broader threat of terrorism, including the nature of the threat, how it has evolved and how we will defeat it."
I already know about the nature of the threat — and, whether they will admit it or not, I think most Americans do, too — and how it has evolved. I need no presidential lectures on those.
Personally, I'm still waiting to hear the president call this what it is — Islamic terrorism. These acts are being carried out by Islamic extremists who have interpreted the Qur'an as permission from God to kill all who disagree with them. The president has yet to acknowledge this. He and Hillary Clinton insist on reminding us that Islam is a peaceful religion, and the United States is not at war with Islam.
That's a straw man.
No one (to my knowledge) has suggested that this is a religious war. It is a war against extremists who are hell–bent on killing others. They clearly don't care about the religious beliefs of their victims. Other Muslims have been killed in their attacks as well as Christians and Jews.
The fact that these extremists, these murderers all claim to be Muslims is an identifying trait. Some people will say that is profiling, and I suppose it is, but it is also a fact that cannot be ignored. It may be a regrettable fact of modern life that we must take a closer look at Muslims who try to enter this country. That doesn't necessarily mean that Muslims who live here are being or will be denied their right to freedom of religion.
Well, I guess I can't make a blanket assertion like that. Most assuredly, there will always be bigots for whom unpleasant but necessary restrictions on certain groups are nice little byproducts.
But that is one of the things about which we need to have a national — and rational — conversation. We may also need to talk about how and whether to monitor and have legal provisions for shutting down mosques or any similar facility where violence is encouraged.
I know. This kind of thing smacks of the Nuremburg Laws, doesn't it? But the key difference, it seems to me, is that the Jews of Germany and Europe were not hijacking airplanes, attacking diners in restaurants or shooting up Christmas parties.
To deal with a modern threat it is necessary for us to label the enemy.
Identifying the enemy is the first step in defeating it. Once Obama has done that, I will listen to what he has to say about defeating it.
Until then, I have no tolerance for useless drivel about closing gun show loopholes or issuing executive orders to make it even more difficult for Americans to arm themselves.
If someone is determined to kill — and the willingness, even eagerness, of these animals to kill themselves and leave orphaned children, even infants, behind in the process is pretty good evidence of just how determined they are — whatever is available will do. These terrorists do not need guns to kill. They share information about making bombs, and they are constantly experimenting with new ways to conceal explosives. They have used knives in the past when no other means for killing were available. No doubt they would resort to throwing rocks if that was all they had.
No, they don't need guns to kill, but they won't let a minor annoyance like a gun control law keep them from getting guns if they need them.
Instead of talking about closing gun show loopholes, we should be talking about closing the other loopholes that made the San Bernardino shootings possible. There is an enormous loophole along this country's borders. If Obama doesn't think there are terrorist "sleeper cells" all across this country whose members have practically waltzed across the border, he is truly living in a fantasy world.
Everyone wants to be fair on immigration. No one wants to deny the hope of citizenship to those who truly wish to come to America and co–exist with all kinds of people. But it only makes sense to have a process in place that safeguards the people who are already here from immigrants who, knowingly or unknowingly, threaten their safety.
In the Ellis Island days, that usually meant temporarily quarantining people who might have been exposed to a deadly disease. Today quarantining immigrants would be done with the intention of giving authorities enough time to do background checks.
And I'm not talking about the cursory background checks that have been conducted — if time and resources permitted them to be conducted at all — up to this point.
The time has long since past when we could keep terrorist cells out of this country or quarantine enough of the suspicious immigrants long enough for background checks to weed out the most dangerous ones.
For tonight's Oval Office address, as rare as they have been in Obama's tenure, to have any historical meaning, it must spark a serious discussion about the most effective way to keep the American people safe.
That doesn't mean belittling those who have dedicated their lives to being first responders when crisis strikes.
That doesn't mean letting political correctness overrule common sense.
It means being a leader. Under this president, who almost always leads from behind, being a true leader has been even more rare than Oval Office addresses.
Monday, May 5, 2014
Through the Looking Glass ... Again
"History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme."
Mark Twain
Forty years ago this summer, the Watergate scandal swallowed the presidency of Richard Nixon.
I was a boy when that happened, and I'll admit that I didn't understand all the issues involved, but there was one very simple fact that seemed obvious to me.
When Alexander Butterfield revealed the existence of the White House taping system in July 1973, it was obvious that there was a completely neutral eyewitness to the White House conversations about which lawmakers were asking — the tapes that had been made of those conversations.
Congressional investigators did not have to rely on flawed human memories. They could listen to the tapes, and those tapes could verify what was said and by whom. Anyone who had answered truthfully when asked about his involvement in the coverup would be exonerated. Anyone who had not answered those questions truthfully would be exposed as dishonest.
When the taping system's existence was revealed, I heard many of Nixon's defenders say that they wished he would release the tapes. They would prove he had been telling the truth, and the Watergate scandal would go away.
Well, that was the thinking, but Nixon steadfastly refused to release the tapes — and the longer he did, the more his support tended to erode. Then as now, perception was reality, and the growing perception was that Nixon had something to hide.
That perception turned out to be correct, but the American people, the vast majority of whom had voted for Nixon's re–election two years earlier, were hesitant to believe it. At the time — and still today — I believed that hesitance enabled Nixon to drag the scandal out a few more months.
If Nixon had been blessed with an engaging personality, like the present occupant of the White House, he might have been able to drag his feet long enough to finish his term. But Nixon's was a dark, brooding kind of personality, cold and prickly, not warm and fuzzy. He didn't inspire much loyalty — except from those who, for whatever reason, did his bidding (and paid for it).
Barack Obama, however, does have a warm and fuzzy personality. That is the real secret of his success. His ratings on that question about whether a president (or presidential candidate) cares about people like the respondent are always through the roof. That's what Obama's 2012 campaign was about, wasn't it? It was designed to persuade swing voters that Mitt Romney and the Republicans were elitist snobs who didn't care about ordinary folks — or, to be more precise, blacks, women, gays, immigrants, the poor.
Re–election campaigns tend to be about achievements, those that are finished and those that are works in progress. Well, that's the way they used to be.
While the fact that Obama made history as the first nonwhite president was a pleasant bonus, it wasn't the main reason why most people voted for him in 2008. He was elected mostly because of the terrible economy and the escalating jobs crisis, and Americans wanted to be out of two wars that were sucking up American lives and treasure at an alarming rate.
When times are bad, voters go for the other option.
In short, there were serious problems that needed to be resolved. Certain expectations came with the job, and voters decided, as they almost always do in such a situation, to go with the other party's nominee.
Economists later told America that the recession actually ended after about six months of Obama's presidency, and some kind of recovery should have taken place — but, if asked about it today, most Americans will say that they don't believe the recession ever ended — or, if it did, they don't believe there has been a recovery.
Obama couldn't run on his economic record. He had a more stable foreign policy record in September 2012 — and he may well have intended to run on that record — but then there was that attack on the embassy in Benghazi, and four Americans were killed, including the ambassador. He and Joe Biden continued to mention the fact that Osama bin Laden had been killed on his watch, but the race was close in the autumn of 2012.
Perhaps the Democrats felt the truth about Benghazi would undermine the case they had been making that Obama's foreign policy was succeeding. That is the argument the president's detractors have made, anyway.
That didn't work too well in 2012, but a lot has happened since then. Obama's second–term agenda hasn't been getting any traction — whether that is due, as the president contends, to obstructionism or his administration's own shortcomings, as in the rollout of Obamacare, is a subject for a different debate — and his party already is facing mounting problems in what always (from the perspective of history) figured to be a problematic sixth–year midterm election.
And now the release of emails from September 2012 have raised new and troubling questions about the administration's actions on the night of the attack — and how those actions may have been motivated by domestic political concerns.
House Republicans want to assemble a select committee to investigate, to ask the questions that the emails have raised, but their Democratic colleagues are not sure they will participate.
Seems to me that would be a lot like when Nixon refused to release the tapes.
My understanding is that the Democrats cannot be compelled to participate in the committee's hearings, but the Republicans still would hold them. Do the Democrats really want to let every assertion that is made go unchallenged? And in a midterm election year?
As I understand it, a select committee does not have the authority to charge anyone with anything, but, like the Senate Watergate Committee 40 years ago, it can call witnesses and issue subpoenas.
If no one is there to defend the administration, it will feed a perception that can only add to Democrats' electoral woes.
On the other hand, Republicans need to be careful. The wind is at their backs on this one, but they need to avoid appearing too political. If they make their argument about transparency and good, law–abiding government, it will help their cause.
As will Nixon's true legacy in all of this — the case of United States v. Nixon.
Saturday, February 22, 2014
A Broadcasting Milestone
It might seem like a betrayal to all my friends in print journalism, but today is an important milestone in the history of broadcasting that is worth mentioning.
For it was 90 years ago today that President Calvin Coolidge gave the first–ever radio address from the White House.
Silent Cal had a reputation for being — shall we say? — economical with words, but he really gave broadcast journalism a boost during his presidency.
The speech he gave on this day in 1924 was not his first on radio. Less than three months earlier, he had delivered his State of the Union address on radio. As nearly as I can tell, that was the first presidential address on radio, but it wasn't delivered from the White House.
("So clearly was President Coolidge's message broadcast by radio through half of the nation ... that while he was speaking KSD, the radio station in St. Louis, telephoned to the Capitol and asked: 'What's that grating noise?'," marveled the New York Times, "and the transmission experts at the Capitol promptly replied: 'That's the rustling of the paper as he turns the pages of his message'.")
But, considering that presidential addresses from the White House are considered routine today, it is worth reflecting on a time when the concept was new. So, too, was the medium of radio. Most of its applications were yet to be discovered.
Today, of course, presidential addresses from the White House can be seen and/or heard via radio, television and online video.
I'm inclined to think that, at the time, Coolidge understood the political implications of broadcasting, perhaps better than any of his contemporaries. If so, he must have realized that his rather strict, New England schoolmarmish demeanor wouldn't be appealing in all regions of the country so he used radio to build a relationship with the American people.
Presidential approval polls didn't exist in 1924, so it isn't possible to compare the findings of such polls to see if his approval went up when he started speaking to the country via radio after succeeding President Warren Harding in August 1923.
But we do know that, when the American people went to the polls in November 1924, they gave Coolidge a full four–year term in the White House by a wide margin. He swept every state outside the South except Wisconsin, which voted for third–party candidate (and native son) Robert LaFollette.
The day after the third anniversary of the first radio address from the White House, Coolidge signed into law the Radio Act of 1927, which gave regulatory powers to the Federal Radio Commission. The FRC was created by Coolidge in 1926; it was replaced in 1934 by the Federal Communications Commission, which still exists.
What was the subject of his first radio address from the White House? I wish I knew, but no transcript seems to survive. It was, however, something he did fairly frequently during his presidency.
The day before the 1924 election, Coolidge delivered a radio address from the White House on the duties of citizenship. In it, he urged American citizens to go to their polls the next day and "approach the ballot box in the spirit that they would approach a sacrament" and select their leaders "in the light of their own conscience."
"When an election is so held, when a choice is so made," Coolidge said in his conclusion, "it results in the real rule of the people. It warrants and sustains the belief that the voice of the people is the voice of God."
I don't know if President Coolidge was a visionary, but the speech he gave today paved the way for all the broadcast addresses that followed.
And, to the generations of broadcast journalists who followed, it must certainly seem visionary.
Labels:
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broadcasting,
Calvin Coolidge,
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Thursday, August 15, 2013
On Transparency and 'Phony Scandals'
"My [a]dministration is committed to creating an unprecedented level of openness in [g]overnment. ... Government should be transparent. Transparency promotes accountability and provides information for citizens about what their [g]overnment is doing."
Barack Obama
White House memorandum
Mark this date in red — Aug. 9, 2013.
That was the day Barack Obama held his most recent press conference — and I'm talking about the kind of press conference where the president actually takes questions from the press instead of ducking in to pontificate about some topic that really is beneath the attention of the president and then ducking out before anyone in the press corps has time to ask a question.
When I was growing up, presidents used press conferences (and primetime speeches) to keep the American public informed — especially during national crises. Presidents didn't always hold them any more often than Obama does, but they dealt with substantive topics, and they didn't allow reporters who were perceived as friendly to the administration to ask all or most of the questions.
But Obama, who was pledging to have a "transparent" presidency before he took the oath of office the first time, doesn't have press conferences very often. Oh, sure, he appears in joint press conferences with foreign leaders and other dignitaries with whom he dined and/or conferred in private — in fact, so far, that accounts for more than half of the press conferences he has held since becoming president.
And he does appear to favor those who don't ask him the tough, watchdog–type of questions over those who do, granting access to the lapdogs.
According to the American Presidency Project, Obama averages fewer than two press conferences per month — a pace that certainly would be lower if his first year in office had been like the last four.
As it is, his average is far lower than any president in the last quarter century — and it is lower than any Democratic president (other than Jimmy Carter) since World War I.
Given the turmoil in the Middle East and the fact that the administration had closed more than 20 diplomatic outposts in the region, I would classify this as a crisis — although I'm inclined to think that most days under Obama's watch have been crises.
Consequently, it would have been a good time to explain to the American people what was going on.
It was ironic, too, that Obama should hold his press conference on that particular day — and in that particular location, the East Room of the White House. Thirty–nine years earlier — to the day and in the same room — President Richard Nixon made his farewell address to the White House staff, then departed shortly before Vice President Gerald Ford took the oath of office.
But it isn't so much the frequency (or lack thereof) of Obama's press conferences that concerns me as it is the content.
And that, I must conclude, is not so much the president's fault as it is the journalists'. I'm willing to concede the possibility that, in private, Obama encourages reporters to ask him tougher questions, but I do not get the sense that that is the case. Instead, I get the feeling that Obama rewards friendly journalists with access and denies access to the less–friendly ones.
(Reminiscent of Nixon's famed enemies list.)
In last week's press conference, somebody in the White House press corps should have asked Obama to identify which of the scandals that have plagued the White House in 2013 are "phony" and why he believes that is so? I think it is a legitimate question, given how often Obama has referred to "phony scandals" (and elicited wildly approving cheers from his supporters) in his never–ending campaign for Obamacare.
But no one asked the question.
Obama is entitled to believe that a topic being discussed in public is "phony" — but I do not believe that he or any other president should be allowed to make such an allegation without being held accountable for it.
That, unfortunately, is what is being allowed to happen. Everything that Obama says, no matter how outrageous it may be, goes unquestioned by the press, and, as a journalist, I am embarrassed by what I see.
Now, Obama isn't the first president to make outrageous statements — nor will he be the last — so I can't really fault him for that. And he isn't the first — nor will he be the last — to make outrageous statements that have gone unchallenged so I can't really fault him for that, either.
Nor can I fault him for not asking the press to throw him some fastballs when he was having so much success driving the softballs they kept lobbing to him out of the park.
But I can and do fault the press for utterly failing to do its job.
Labels:
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Gerald Ford,
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Tuesday, February 28, 2012
Age Discrimination
From time to time, I send e–mails to the White House about issues that concern me.
When you do that, you have the option of checking a box that serves as a request for a reply. I did check that box the first couple of times that I e–mailed the White House, but, frankly, I don't do it anymore because the responses I received never addressed the specific issues that I raised.
Now, I realize that, in a nation of more than 300 million people, the White House must receive a huge number of messages from people every week — every day — so purely personal replies simply are not feasible.
I can't speak for anyone else who contacts the White House by e–mail. In fact, I'm sure there are people who indicate on their e–mails that they do want a reply — but I don't.
When I was younger, I used to write to members of Congress on issues that concerned me, but, eventually, I got tired of receiving responses that were clearly form letters.
And the replies I got from the White House always had a distinct form letter feel to them.
At least, the old "snail mail" form letters attempted to be personal. They were addressed to me by name, and some even threw in a sentence or two that actually related to my specific concern.
But the e–mail variety doesn't even do that much — this one from the White House addressed me as "Dear Friend" — so, as I say, I stopped asking for replies from this White House a couple of years ago.
That hasn't kept the White House from sending out those digital form replies to me, anyway.
Case in point.
For quite awhile, I have been concerned about what has appeared (to me, anyway) to be age discrimination on the part of employers. All the emphasis seems to be on discrimination against racial and religious groups in particular and against women in general. Next to nothing is said about age discrimination.
I'm not alone in this, by the way. I have spoken to many people, and the overwhelming consensus is that employers do use age as a means for eliminating a portion of the applicants for job openings.
I can understand the temptation. I recently heard an estimate that there are about four times as many applicants for any given job as there were for the same job (or its equivalent) before the recession began in December 2007. There simply aren't enough jobs to go around, and employers are understandably reluctant to hire older workers.
They are fearful that they will have to go through all this again in a few years.
(They might go through it with younger workers, too.)
I don't know what the answer is. That's one of the things Americans hire their presidents to do — come up with solutions to problems. And I've been concerned about this one for quite awhile.
So, even though I have had no satisfaction in writing to this White House, I went ahead and sent an e–mail on this topic to the president. I did not check the box that indicated that I wanted a reply. I guess I just wanted to express my concern.
My mother's was the first and most persistent voice among those that urged me to pursue a life dedicated to the written word — but she also used to tell me that actions speak louder than words, and that is the only kind of response I really wanted.
Nevertheless, here is the response I received in my e–mail yesterday (note: I have omitted the opening and closing sentences that thanked me for the original e–mail):
My original e–mail was only two or three sentences, as I recall.
I stated my concern about age discrimination, and I asked the president to speak forcefully against it — and I got the text of his re–election stump speech.
Do you see anything in there about age discrimination? Me, neither.
When you do that, you have the option of checking a box that serves as a request for a reply. I did check that box the first couple of times that I e–mailed the White House, but, frankly, I don't do it anymore because the responses I received never addressed the specific issues that I raised.
Now, I realize that, in a nation of more than 300 million people, the White House must receive a huge number of messages from people every week — every day — so purely personal replies simply are not feasible.
I can't speak for anyone else who contacts the White House by e–mail. In fact, I'm sure there are people who indicate on their e–mails that they do want a reply — but I don't.
When I was younger, I used to write to members of Congress on issues that concerned me, but, eventually, I got tired of receiving responses that were clearly form letters.
And the replies I got from the White House always had a distinct form letter feel to them.
At least, the old "snail mail" form letters attempted to be personal. They were addressed to me by name, and some even threw in a sentence or two that actually related to my specific concern.
But the e–mail variety doesn't even do that much — this one from the White House addressed me as "Dear Friend" — so, as I say, I stopped asking for replies from this White House a couple of years ago.
That hasn't kept the White House from sending out those digital form replies to me, anyway.Case in point.
For quite awhile, I have been concerned about what has appeared (to me, anyway) to be age discrimination on the part of employers. All the emphasis seems to be on discrimination against racial and religious groups in particular and against women in general. Next to nothing is said about age discrimination.
I'm not alone in this, by the way. I have spoken to many people, and the overwhelming consensus is that employers do use age as a means for eliminating a portion of the applicants for job openings.
I can understand the temptation. I recently heard an estimate that there are about four times as many applicants for any given job as there were for the same job (or its equivalent) before the recession began in December 2007. There simply aren't enough jobs to go around, and employers are understandably reluctant to hire older workers.
They are fearful that they will have to go through all this again in a few years.
(They might go through it with younger workers, too.)
I don't know what the answer is. That's one of the things Americans hire their presidents to do — come up with solutions to problems. And I've been concerned about this one for quite awhile.
So, even though I have had no satisfaction in writing to this White House, I went ahead and sent an e–mail on this topic to the president. I did not check the box that indicated that I wanted a reply. I guess I just wanted to express my concern.
My mother's was the first and most persistent voice among those that urged me to pursue a life dedicated to the written word — but she also used to tell me that actions speak louder than words, and that is the only kind of response I really wanted.
Nevertheless, here is the response I received in my e–mail yesterday (note: I have omitted the opening and closing sentences that thanked me for the original e–mail):
"In his 2012 State of the Union Address, President Obama laid out a blueprint for an economy that is built to last — an economy built on American manufacturing, American energy, skills for American workers, and a renewal of American values.
The President believes this is a make or break moment for the middle class and those trying to reach it. What is at stake is the very survival of the basic American promise that if you work hard, you can do well enough to raise a family, own a home, and put a little away for retirement.
The defining issue of our time is how to keep that promise alive. We can either settle for a country where a shrinking number of people do really well, while more Americans barely get by, or we can build a nation where everyone gets a fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same rules. At stake right now are not Democratic or Republican values, but American values — and for the sake of our future, we have to reclaim them.
The economic security of our middle class has eroded for decades. Long before the recession, good jobs and manufacturing began leaving our shores. Hard work stopped paying off for too many Americans. Those at the top saw their incomes rise like never before, but the vast majority of Americans struggled with costs that were growing and paychecks that were not.
In 2008, the house of cards collapsed. Mortgages were sold to people who could not afford or understand them. Banks made huge bets and bonuses with other people's money. It was a crisis that cost us more than 8 million jobs and plunged our economy and the world into a crisis from which we are still fighting to recover.
Three years later, thanks to the President's bold actions, the economy is growing again. Over the past 22 months, our businesses have created 3.2 million jobs. Last year, we added the most private sector jobs since 2005. American manufacturing is creating jobs for the first time since the late 1990s. The American auto industry is back. Today, American oil production is the highest it has been in eight years. Together, we have agreed to cut the deficit by more than 2 trillion dollars. The President signed into law new rules to hold Wall Street accountable, so a crisis like the one we have endured never happens again.
When we act together, in common purpose and common effort, there is nothing the United States of America cannot achieve. That is why the President's blueprint for action contains policies that businesses can take, actions that Congress needs to take, as well as actions that the President will take on his own. The President intends to keep moving forward and rebuild an economy where hard work pays off and responsibility is rewarded — an economy built to last.
To watch the President's State of the Union address, read the blueprint for an America built to last, and connect with the President and Administration officials, please visit: WhiteHouse.gov/SOTU."
My original e–mail was only two or three sentences, as I recall.
I stated my concern about age discrimination, and I asked the president to speak forcefully against it — and I got the text of his re–election stump speech.
Do you see anything in there about age discrimination? Me, neither.
Friday, January 30, 2009
White House Super Bowl Party
Word is that President Obama will be hosting a Super Bowl party at the White House Sunday evening. Invitations have been extended to several members of Congress, Republicans as well as Democrats.
Press secretary Robert Gibbs says it is a way of "bringing people together." Among the guests will be both of the senators and three of the representatives from Pennsylvania — who, presumably, will be rooting for the Pittsburgh Steelers — and two representatives from Arizona — who, presumably, will be rooting for the Arizona Cardinals. Arizona Sen. John McCain, who lost the election to Obama last November, is not on the guest list posted by CNN.
Eight other members of Congress will be there, but they have no apparent rooting interest.
Gibbs joked that his deputy will provide the seven-layer dip, but he said no wagering will be allowed.
All the same, it's a good idea for the president to have several people on hand for the game. Remember what happened seven years ago, when George W. Bush was watching a football game by himself?
He choked on a pretzel, fell and lost consciousness briefly. Bush was all right, as it turned out, but the incident was fodder for a "Saturday Night Live" sketch.
Conditions these days are no laughing matter. America doesn't need a president who chokes on a tortilla chip and loses consciousness, even briefly.
If several people are on hand, surely someone will know the Heimlich maneuver and be prepared to use it in an emergency.
Press secretary Robert Gibbs says it is a way of "bringing people together." Among the guests will be both of the senators and three of the representatives from Pennsylvania — who, presumably, will be rooting for the Pittsburgh Steelers — and two representatives from Arizona — who, presumably, will be rooting for the Arizona Cardinals. Arizona Sen. John McCain, who lost the election to Obama last November, is not on the guest list posted by CNN.
Eight other members of Congress will be there, but they have no apparent rooting interest.
Gibbs joked that his deputy will provide the seven-layer dip, but he said no wagering will be allowed.
All the same, it's a good idea for the president to have several people on hand for the game. Remember what happened seven years ago, when George W. Bush was watching a football game by himself?
He choked on a pretzel, fell and lost consciousness briefly. Bush was all right, as it turned out, but the incident was fodder for a "Saturday Night Live" sketch.
Conditions these days are no laughing matter. America doesn't need a president who chokes on a tortilla chip and loses consciousness, even briefly.
If several people are on hand, surely someone will know the Heimlich maneuver and be prepared to use it in an emergency.
Labels:
George W. Bush,
Obama,
pretzel,
Super Bowl party,
White House
Wednesday, March 5, 2008
Is This What the Winner Gets?
Now that he's wrapped up the Republican nomination, Arizona Sen. John McCain and his wife Cindy went to the White House today to receive the blessing of the current occupant of the Oval Office, George W. Bush.
It certainly made for the kind of photo I never expected to see eight years ago, after Bush and his campaign staff savaged McCain in South Carolina, demolished McCain's reputation and his bid for the nomination and gave the country a taste of what they were capable of when their backs were against the wall.
But the nomination belongs to McCain, and after humbling himself for the kind of people he pandered to in the last year or so, I guess it's not surprising that he wanted the endorsement of the president. Even with the president's abysmal approval ratings.
Even with the ugly things that Bush and Karl Rove said and implied about McCain in 2000.
It seems clear that neither man wanted the photo-op moment to go on any longer than necessary. The whole thing was over in about 10 minutes.
It certainly made for the kind of photo I never expected to see eight years ago, after Bush and his campaign staff savaged McCain in South Carolina, demolished McCain's reputation and his bid for the nomination and gave the country a taste of what they were capable of when their backs were against the wall.
But the nomination belongs to McCain, and after humbling himself for the kind of people he pandered to in the last year or so, I guess it's not surprising that he wanted the endorsement of the president. Even with the president's abysmal approval ratings.
Even with the ugly things that Bush and Karl Rove said and implied about McCain in 2000.
It seems clear that neither man wanted the photo-op moment to go on any longer than necessary. The whole thing was over in about 10 minutes.
Labels:
endorsement,
George W. Bush,
McCain,
presidency,
Republicans,
White House
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