Showing posts with label 1960. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1960. Show all posts

Monday, November 8, 2010

The Mother of All Cliffhangers



Back in January, I observed the 50th anniversary of John F. Kennedy's announcement of his candidacy for president, and I called it "The Birth of Camelot."

But that wasn't really accurate.

It probably would have been more accurate to say that, in early January of 1960, Camelot was conceived — although experts on Kennedy's life and presidency probably would tell you that the idea of that Kennedy — or any Kennedy — seeking the presidency was conceived many years earlier.

But the idea didn't bear fruit until 50 years ago today.

Well, perhaps it would be more accurate to say 50 years ago tomorrow because it wasn't until Wednesday, Nov. 9, 1960, that Kennedy was declared the winner of the closest presidential election in more than a century.

But it was 50 years ago today that the voters went to the polls.

"It was invisible, as always," wrote historian Theodore H. White of the process of democracy. "[I]t is the essence of the act that as it happens it is a mystery in which millions of people each fit one fragment of a total secret together, none of them knowing the shape of the whole."

In the end, it was closer than anyone could have expected — out of approximately 69 million votes, about 100,000 separated the two men.

It was excruciating, for the winners as well as the losers. In his book "The Making of the President 1960," White wrote of observing Kennedy as Nixon addressed his supporters late in the evening, steadfastly refusing to concede. Kennedy, he wrote, bore an "expression showing faint distaste" at the spectacle of the "twisted, barely controlled sorrow" of Nixon's wife at his side.

That was the kind of thing the sophisticated, elegant Kennedy would never allow, White wrote.

In an election that close, it should surprise no one that there were accusations of irregularities.

I guess there will always be those who will dispute the results in some of the states — at least until the time comes when no one still living is old enough to remember that night.

My grandfather, for example, a Texas Republican at a time when that was still something of a rarity, always insisted that Kennedy "stole" the 1960 election — or, more accurately, his daddy "stole" it for him, pulling some strings in some key places.

Well, Grandpa was biased. He never cared for Kennedy's running mate, Texas Sen. Lyndon Johnson. He called him "Landslide Lyndon" — a derisive nickname hung on Johnson after an extremely narrow victory in the 1948 runoff for the Democratic Senate nomination.

There have always been rumors about that election, too.

But Johnson's victory was certified, in keeping with state law, and history tells us he served in the Senate for the next 12 years — until Kennedy chose him as his running mate, in large part, so they say, because it was believed Johnson could deliver Texas to the Democrats.

And, if that was the reason why Kennedy chose Johnson as his running mate, LBJ held up his end of the deal. The Democrats won Texas (and its 24 electoral votes) by 45,000 popular votes out of 2.3 million cast.

In his book, White protested that he didn't know the truth, that it appeared that even those closest to Kennedy did not know the truth, about Johnson's selection. At the 1960 convention, White wrote, Kennedy's advisers were under the impression, when Kennedy went to bed the night before giving his acceptance speech, that the two men at the top of his list were Stuart Symington of Missouri and Henry Jackson of Washington, senators from two other states that were expected to be evenly divided, as indeed they were.

But emphasis on electoral considerations ignored — as White did not — the fact that, weeks before the convention, Kennedy had told an interviewer that, other than himself, he thought Johnson was the man most qualified to be president.

It cannot be dismissed that Kennedy made his choice based not on what his running mate could do for him but on what his running mate could do for the country if he became president.

Many things (most of them unpleasant) have been said about the vice presidency over the years, and most of them have been true.

John Garner, Franklin Roosevelt's first vice president, famously said the vice presidency was "not worth a bucket of warm ****." Garner, who served as speaker of the House before accepting the second spot on the Democratic ticket in 1932, also said, "I gave up the second most important job in government for eight long years as Roosevelt's spare tire."

But, for Johnson, it was not an eight–year detour to the trivia books. It was a stepping stone to the presidency. He succeeded Kennedy when Kennedy was assassinated in 1963.

And, ironically, exactly five years later, on this day in 1965, journalist Dorothy Kilgallen was found dead in her apartment. To this day, it is rumored that she was murdered to prevent her from revealing what she knew about the assassination of President Kennedy.

It is one of the many enduring mysteries of the 1960s.

Saturday, January 2, 2010

The Birth of Camelot



You can make the argument that it was 50 years ago today that the concept of the Kennedy presidency as a modern–day Camelot was born — although the truth, as it so often is, was quite different.

Kennedy's presidency was never regarded as Camelot during his lifetime. That label was given to his administration in hindsight — by his widow when she was interviewed by historian Theodore H. White a week after Kennedy's assassination in 1963.

In some ways, the presidency and the world have changed a lot in half a century. Fifty years ago, it was possible for a presidential candidate to wait until the actual election year to launch his campaign. Far fewer states (only 16 in 1960) held primaries, and, in his Pulitzer Prize–winning book "The Making of the President 1960," White implies the announcement itself was a foregone conclusion.

I don't know how the people of Massachusetts reacted when Kennedy announced his candidacy, coming little more than a year after they had returned him to the Senate. I don't know if it caught any of them by surprise. But it doesn't seem to have caught his staff by surprise. White did not write about a heated debate over the pros and cons of Kennedy's candidacy. He wrote about discussions of strategy.

"Some [primaries] should not be entered for fear of offending favorite sons; some should not be entered because they were unimportant," White wrote of the prevailing opinions at the late 1959 strategy sessions. "But ... a broad enough number had to be chosen to give a national cast to the campaign, and those chosen had to be of value for their impact on neighboring states and on the big bosses who would be watching. And every primary had to be won — there could be no stumbling."

Most delegations were chosen by state conventions and state party leaders in 1960. Forty–eight years later, most were chosen by voters in primaries or caucuses. It was a different time, but the American people weren't so different. In John Kennedy's day, the presidency was believed to be the exclusive domain of Protestants. In Barack Obama's day, it was thought to belong to whites.

But that was because only Protestants had been elected president prior to 1960, and only whites had been elected prior to 2008. In 1960, there were many who were skeptical that a Catholic could be elected president, just as there were many who were skeptical in 2008 that a black man could be elected president — mostly because neither had ever happened before.

Kennedy proved that a Catholic could be elected president, although no Catholics have been elected since and only one (John Kerry) has been nominated by a major party.

But in the early days of his candidacy, Kennedy's critics did not take him seriously, suggesting that, because of his youth and inexperience, he should focus on being the running mate for a more seasoned Democrat. His response? "I'm not running for vice president, I'm running for president."

(Thus, it was ironic when, in March 2008, it was suggested by Bill and Hillary Clinton, as well as others, that Obama would be a good running mate. Obama tried, in his own way, to deflect such talk: "I don't know how somebody who's in second place can offer the vice presidency to someone who's in first place," he said.)

Today, I have found no observances at the websites for the Boston newspapers that reflect on the 50th anniversary of Jack Kennedy's announcement. Instead, the spotlight is on the race to select the person who will complete the unexpired term of his youngest brother, Teddy, who died last August. Whoever wins, it will be the first time in nearly 60 years (with the exception of a brief period when a temporary appointee represented Massachusetts) that a Kennedy hasn't been in the Senate.

Time marches on. And perhaps it is long past time to retire Camelot as a synonym for the Kennedy presidency.

But it is worth mentioning today, if only to remind us how far we have come — and how far we still have to go.